As the Democrats coalesce around their new possible nominee, Vice President Kamala Harris , following President Joe Biden’s withdrawal from the presidential race, questions can be raised on whether she is their best pick. The options for the Democratic nominee all have their benefits and drawbacks, but the strongest candidate for the Democrats is Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg .
Gov. Gavin Newsom (D-CA) has developed a national profile and often positions himself as one of the Democratic Party's liberal fighters. Newsom debated with Gov. Ron DeSantis (R-FL) in December 2023, when DeSantis was still seeking the Republican nomination for president. The matchup was billed as a proxy debate over two visions for the country.
But Newsom has repeatedly indicated that he had "sub-zero" interest in entering the contest, and Sunday, he issued a statement endorsing Harris. Newsom has too much political baggage to join this late in the game. He has suffered from a ton of negative press, not to mention his lackluster approval ratings as governor.
Gov. Gretchen Whitmer (D-MI) has developed her national profile as an up-and-coming leader on popular matters such as abortion rights. She won reelection by double digits in 2022 while helping to secure total democratic control in the state. In her first term, she won by over a ten-point margin. Nonetheless, she also issued a statement Monday supporting Harris. She seems to be off the table as she has repeatedly said she does not want to leave Michigan, even to be a possible vice presidential pick for Harris.
There are various other Democratic governors, such as Govs. J.B. Pritzker (D-IL) and Andy Beshear (D-KY), or senators, from whom the DNC could pull. They all face similar challenges, either of name recognition or being untested in front of a competitive national audience.
The Democrats should understand that the person for this moment is Buttigieg. The transportation secretary shocked the electorate across the country when he ran for president in 2020 with only the title "Mayor Pete" to his name. He was able to draw on his experience with six years as an intelligence officer in the Navy Reserves, along with a six-month deployment to Afghanistan.
Some would argue Buttigieg hasn't been particularly effective as transportation secretary. Admittedly, he did not handle the supply-chain crisis well, including a failure to make big decisions on solving the shortage of short-haul drivers. Other critiques of him, though, are petty, such as when he was criticized widely for not showing up to the site of the East Palestine, Ohio, train derailment — as if a photo op is more important than the actual substance of the response. Buttigieg has also opened himself to unrelenting partisan attacks as the country experiences transit crisis after transit crisis to chaos at airports. The continuous appearances in front of Congress and on news networks as a surrogate for the Biden administration have only increased opportunities for partisan criticism.
Many experts, however, say Buttigieg has managed the 55,000 employees and $90 billion budget relatively effectively. Michael J. McCormick, a former top Federal Aviation Administration official and assistant professor of air traffic management at Embry-Riddle Aeronautical University, told The Independent that he would give Buttigieg an “A-” grade when it comes to policy.
Numerous experts contend that many of the rail concerns can be traced back to decisions made during the Trump administration. During that time, rail companies were authorized to decrease manual inspections. Additionally, efforts were made to block increased staffing mandates and to rescind an Obama-era regulation that would have mandated faster and more advanced braking systems on certain trains transporting highly flammable materials. However, it's noted that this particular regulation wouldn't have applied to the train incident in East Palestine, as indicated by National Transportation Safety Board Chairwoman Jennifer Homendy . Concurrently, rail companies persisted in lengthening trains, adhering to tighter schedules, and reducing crew sizes and safety standards. But that's not Buttigieg's fault.
What matters most, though, is at the end of the day, Buttigieg is part of the "next generation," which so many Democrats say they pine for. He came of age after the terrorist attacks on Sept. 11, 2001, and volunteered for service in Iraq and Afghanistan. He speaks eight languages: English, Norwegian, Spanish, French, Italian, Maltese, Arabic, and Dari. He has the same political air about him that brought former President Barack Obama to power in 2008 because they are both two people who could be described as “hot-shot” politicians who can still speak to both sides despite their lack of resume lines.
When he won the Iowa caucuses during the 2020 Democratic primary, he channeled the 2008 Obama campaign: “ When a well-spoken, young, Midwestern outsider representing a traditionally disfavored minority group and pitching both boldness and conciliation stormed through Iowa to win the Democratic presidential nomination.”
Buttigieg doesn’t have two decades of service to dig through and pull opposition research against, but he does have the ability to make current headlines across the aisle. His frequent appearances on Fox News and other conservative outlets have only increased his name recognition and likeability. He has gained more notoriety for defending the Biden administration from perceived attacks than for actually doing his job as transportation secretary.
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He is the one the Republicans should be afraid of. If the Democratic Party wanted a fighting chance to beat the Trump-Vance ticket, it would nominate the one person who has proven his ability to inspire Democratic voters.
Harris is easy in comparison.
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