Carles Puigdemont’s escape antics may look comic. But he is Spain’s version of Donald Trump | María Ramírez

An egotistical and polarising rightwing election loser addresses his adoring supporters in a speech, casting himself as a victim and questioning democracy , just hours before parliament is set to vote for the formal investiture of the actual winner. The crowd hold aloft pictures of the loser’s face, chanting that he is their rightful president, and then turn their anger on the media, harassing reporters who are covering the event. Chaos ensues as some of the leader’s supporters attempt to assault the parliament building. Sound familiar?

Carles Puigdemont, the fugitive former president of Catalonia and the leader of the Catalan separatist party Junts, who fled Spain to avoid prosecution after organising an unlawful independence referendum in 2017, staged a dramatic reappearance on a Barcelona stage on Thursday.

His show ended up being more of a charade than a coup, but it had definite Trumpian vibes. The loyal supporters he addressed were a small group and posed no serious threat to the Catalan parliament, but Puigdemont once again demonstrated his unwillingness to accept electoral defeat, his belief that he is above the law and his self-centred need for the spotlight.

From his self-imposed exile in Brussels, Puidgemont was defeated in regional elections in May. Salvador Illa , the mild-mannered leader of the Socialist party in Catalonia, emerged the clear winner. Junts had focused its campaign around Puigdemont, even renaming the party after him in the ballot, but voters were unconvinced.

For the first time in decades, most Catalan voters supported non-separatist parties, in line with the decline in support for independence since 2017 .

While Puigdemont benefited from an amnesty law pushed through by Pedro Sánchez to enable the formation of a government with the support of pro-independence parties, the former Catalan president is still wanted on charges, which he denies, of embezzlement of public funds. He could have been detained to appear in court. But the Catalan police, who have full authority in the region, seemingly allowed him to hold his rally undisturbed. Puigdemont then vanished again instead of heading to vote in parliament, as he had claimed he would. Two officers were later arrested on suspicion that they assisted Puigdemont’s flight.

After hours in which police conducted a manhunt and the city was locked down, memes and parody videos flooded social media , and satire got into news reports. “Could Carles Puigdemont smuggle himself into the Catalan parliament dressed as a lion? Probably not, but police in Barcelona are taking no chances,” Aitor Hernández-Morales wrote in Politico about the decision to lock down the city zoo . Amid rumours that Puigdemont had escaped in a car, police encircled the city, setting up roadblocks to search car boots. While his lawyer bragged about how the evasion of arrest had gone to plan “perfectly”, some on X compared Puigdemont to Lupin , the fictional French gentleman thief who always gives police the slip.

It was a day that underscored how deeply Catalans identify political discontent as the biggest problem in public life. This was the finding of a July survey by the Catalan government’s polling institute . Up to 70% of citizens are concerned about how democracy works, and most believe politicians should prioritise socioeconomic issues and the climate crisis over independence. They think the new government should focus on reducing poverty and inequality, boosting economic growth, protecting law and order, and fighting against the climate emergency and the ongoing drought. Reviewing Catalonia’s relationship with the rest of Spain ranks only fifth in importance. The same poll shows Puigdemont as an unpopular leader, trailing behind Illa, the new Catalan president, and the outgoing president, Pere Aragonès.

Puigdemont’s political future appears unpromising, and it may take time for his party to return to power. But his impact on eroding trust in politicians and institutions could outlast his personal ambitions. The Sánchez government is already paying a price for securing Junts’ support by making concessions to an unreliable partner that recently aligned with the national far right on migration and other issues.

Puigdemont has made it clear that he has never cared about the stability of Spain’s centre-left government, but he also seems intent on preventing any such stability in Catalonia. His main target is ERC, the separatist party on the left that has helped Illa secure a majority in the Catalan parliament and be elected president. Puigdemont’s behaviour may be seen as verging on comedy, but it has the potential to fuel the rise of extremists inside and outside Catalonia.

Illa, a welcome exception in a Spanish public sphere often driven by insults and animosity, delivered a speech in parliament that focused on everyday concerns for Catalans. He spoke about housing, drought and trains . To please his allies, he also advocated for the swift implementation of the amnesty law and supported a federal Spain. “Catalonia must look forward, can’t lose time, and must include everyone,” he said .

Illa’s election could signal a new political era. The road ahead will be paved with his good intentions, but also with the threat of a vocal, xenophobic minority still led by Puigdemont, out of power and out of touch, but still eager for one final curtain call.

• María Ramírez is a journalist and deputy managing editor of elDiario.es, a news outlet in Spain